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Venetian Period (1489 -
1571)
The Venetian desire for Cyprus was inspired purely by
profit. The island was well endowed with the timber
essential for shipbuilding, and formed an ideal base
from which the Venetians could dominate trade with the
east. They continued to pay the tribute enforced upon
Cyprus by the Mamelukes and when the latter were
conquered by the Ottomans, the tribute was redirected to
Constantinople, the seat of Ottoman power since
1453. Anticipating conflict, the Venetians undertook
an ambitious plan of fortification. Famagusta and
Nicosia were ringed with massive eanhworks, cased with
stone. An outer wall was erected around Kyrenia castle,
the gap being filled with earth to form an artillery
rampart. The best military architects in Europe were
brought in to design and execute these projects. All
was in vain. A body blow had already been dealt to
Venice by Bartholemew Diaz, who in 1486 discovered a new
sea route to India via the Cape of Good Hope. In 1570,
after an ultimatum from Sultan Selim II had expired,
hordes of Ottoman troops landed at Larnaca, under Lila
Mustapha Pasha. Nicosia was invested, and resisted for
six weeks, refusing terms of honourable surrender on
rumours of an approaching Venetian fleet. The city was
eventually taken by storm, and sacked, 20,000
inhabitants being massacred in the process. Kyrenia
capitulated without a struggle. In October of 1570, Lila
Mustapha Pasha with an army of 200,000 began the siege
of Famagusta. The beleaguered party received meagre
reinforcements in January 1571, when the Turkish fleet
withdrew to winter anchorage, but after ten months the
garrison was reduced to 1500 men, whilst 80,000 Ottoman
soldiers had perished. On August 1st, terms of
capitulation were agreed between the captain of
Famagusta, Marc Antonio Bragadino, and Lila Mustapha
Pasha. However, a dispute arose and some incautious
words by Bragadino resulted in his being flayed
alive. Later that month Venetian officials handed
over the island together With 300,000 ddcats for war
reparation. October of 1571 saw a European League
fleet destroy the Turkish fleet Lepanto, but by this
time Cyprus was lost and was to remain a of the Ottoman
Empire for the next 300
years. Turkish
Rule (1571 - 1878)
The takeover by the Ottoman Empire in 1571 was
largely welcomed by the local population, who had to
some extent collaborated with the invaders and who
anticipated changes for the better. To begin with, their
hopes were justified. The hated Latin church was
uprooted, with many churchhes being convened into
mosques, and the Orthodox church was restored to
dominance. The feudal system was abolished, and the
former serfs could now own and inherit land. The
population at this time, according to an official
census, was "In addition to these rayahs, or non
Moslems, there were also some 30,000 Turkish settlers,
who were granted land by the Sultan, and changed the
demographic nature of the island. Although the Sultan
and high officials at the Porte in Constantinople may
sincerely have wished fair treatment for their subjects,
the system of government was open to abuse. Cyprus was
ruled by a three plumed Pasha, who was installed as
governor in Nicosia, with two plumed Pashas placed in
Paphos and Famagusta. Turkish settlers and rayahs alike
were subject to taxes which were gathered by the aghas.
These aghas purchased their positions from the Porte,
and were naturally energetic in their efforts to extract
taxes from the people, in order to offset their
expenditure, and realize a fat profit. The Cypriots thus
succeeded merely in exchanging one form of oppression
for another+ Natural catastrophes added to their woes,
and by 1641, with plague following close on the heels of
famine, the total population had plummeted to 25,000.
The Porte sought 10 alleviate the situation by reducing
taxation, and more importantly recognizing, albeit
unofficially, the Orthodox archbishop as the
representative of the rayahs.
Conditions did not
improve when, in 1702, Cyprus became the fief of the
Grand Vizier. The post of governor was sold on an annual
basis, and the incumbent made it his business to end his
tenure on a wealthy note. Temporary relief came in
1746 when Abu Bekr Pasha ruled the country. This
enlightened man undertook many public works, and at his
own expense built the aqueduct which supplied Larnaca
with water for the next 200 years. In 1754 the Sultan
recognised the Orthodox archbishop as Ethnarch, or
leader of the Cypriot community, and granting him and
his bishops various privileges, along with the
responsibility of collecting taxes. As the century
progressed, the bishops` power and wealth increased as
they cynically worked hand in glove with the Turkish
governors. Both Greek and Turkish peasants revolted in
vain against the rapacity of their masters. In 1821
the archbishop, along with other clergy and leading
Christians, were discovered to have connections with the
secret organization Filika Eteria, a Greek nationalist
movement aimed at driving the Turks from Greece. The
response of the governor Kuguk Mehmet was swift and
bloody. The archbishop, the bishops, and many prominent
Christians were massacred, and this was followed by an
islandwide purge of the Christians. Some escaped by
fleeing the country, or by taking refuge with the
European consultants in Larnaca. Meanwhile the vast
Ottoman Empire was showing signs of disintegration.
After crushing the Greek revolt with the help of the
Egyptian governor, Mohammed Ah, the European powers
intervened, resulting in the creation of an independent
Greek kingdom in 1832. At the same, time Mohammed Ah
inflicted defeat on his Ottoman masters and established
an independent dynasty in Egypt. In the midst of
these troubles, Sultan Mahmoud II instituted reforms
which alleviated the condition of his subjects,
including those in Cyprus. The farming of taxes was
abolished, but external problems impeded the
implementation of this and other reforms. War with
Russia, which had continued off and on since 1769, when
the Russians won access through the Bosporus, was
weakening the Ottoman Empire, and after further defeats
in 1877, chunks of Anatolia were ceded to the Russians.
This alarmed the English, who saw the Russian advance as
a threat to the Suez canal which had been opened in
1869. An agreement was subsequently reached in 1878
whereby England would occupy Cyprus, using it as a base
to protect her own interests and to defend Ottoman
territory against further encroachments by
Russia. British
Rule (1878 - 1960)
Had Britain taken military control of Egypt five
years earlier than it did (in 1882), it is quite likely
that there would have been no strategic grounds for
occupying Cyprus. However, history cast a lifeline to
that island adrift, and drew it alongside the flagship
of modern Europe. Under the convention of occupation,
Cyprus was still a part of the Ottoman empire, and the
excess of revenue over expenditure, agreed at £92,000,
was paid annually to the Sultan. The first High
Commissioner, Sir Garnet Wolseley, took steps to create
a new constitution. A Legislative Council was formed,
and a High Court was established in Nicosia, presided
over by two British judges. The district courts were
served by one Christian and one Moslem judge, under the
supervision of a British official. In 1882 the
Legislative Council, formerly consisting of four
British, and three local members, was modified to
comprise six British officials, and twelve elected local
members. The proportion of the latter, three Turkish and
nine Greek Cypriots, caused an inverse proportion of
outrage. However, in practice, the Turks generally sided
with the British officials, and in the event of a tie,
the High Commissioner cast the deciding vote. The tax
system was drastically restructured, and the change of
emphasis from direct to indirect taxes served to
increase revenues whilst leaving more money ir the
peasant pocket.
The British undertook an extensive
program of public works, includ inc the construction of
roads and bridges, drinking and irrigation watel
supplies, and even a railway line linking Nicosia to
Famagusta anc Gflzelyurt (Morphou). In addition, port
facilities were improved, and administration buildings,
schools and hospitals were built. When Turkey sided
with Germany in World War I, Britain annexed the island,
annulling the convention of 1878. In 1915, Great Britain
offered Cyprus to Greece in return for joining the
allied cause, but thi suggestion was rejected, and with
it the chance of enosis, the striving to which would
cause so much strife in the future. Ten years later,
Cyprus became a Crown Colony, and the High Commissioner
was replaced by a Governor. Meanwhile, the enosis
movement, aiming for union with Greece, was growing
within the Greek Cypriot community, fostered by the
powerft Orthodox church. The movement erupted into
islandwide riots in 1931, during which Government House
was burnt to the ground. The uprising was crushed, and
the Legislative Council abolished thus eliminating the
local voice in government decisions.
After World War
II, when 30,000 Cypriots fought in the British army,
calls for enosis were renewed. A plebicite organized in
1950 by Makarios, later Archbishop Makarios Ill, showed
that 96% ofthe Greek Cypriots supported union with
Greece. However, it has been reported that
excommunication was a stick used to encourage the
overwhelming vote. Furthermore, it is doubtful that many
Cypriots understood the full implications of enesis1
quite apart from the fact that it was anathema to the
Turkish Cypriot minority. Post war anitudes were
against the old ideas of colonialism, and when Greek
Cypriot demands for self determination resulted only in
the offer of a new constitution, the signal was given
for Colonel George Grivas, who used the name `Dighenis`,
after the legendary Byzantine hero, to launch EOKA.
(National Organization of Cypriot Fighters) This armed
struggle against British rule began in April 1955, and
was abetted in the churches by the clergy, with the
blessing, indeed the leadership, of Archbishop Makarios
Ill. The latter was deponed to the Seychelles 14 months
later after the call for enosis had been outlawed. The
Turkish Cypriot community spawned their own movements;
taksim called for the division of the island; TMT was
the Turkish Cypriot resistance movement.
After a
conference attended by Greece, Turkey and Britain in
June 1955 failed to achieve a solution, Greece applied
to the United Nations in 1957 and again in 1958,
claiming the right of self determination
for Cypriots. This claim, of course, did not take
into account the position of the Turkish Cypriot
minority, and as a counterthrust, Turkey suggested a
double enosis, or partition of the island. Meanwhile,
Grivas and his terrorists were actively prosecuting
their cause, undaunted by the emergency regulations, and
with the total death toll rising above 500, the British
were anxious to find a suitable formula for
independence. This was eventually hammered out in the
Treaty of Zurich, and on 19th February 1959, Makarios
Ill, Dr. Fazil Kuquk (the Turkish Cypriot
representative), plus the prime ministers of Britain,
Greece, and Turkey, all signed the London Accord,
granting Cyprus independence. The agreement, which left
Britain with the sovereign base areas of Akrotiri and
Dhekelia, provided guarantor powers of intervention to
Britain, Greece, and Turkey. The Republic of Cyprus
came into being on 19th August 1960, and on 20th
September it joined the United Nations, and the British
Commonwealth. Independent Cyprus and the Turkish
Intervention
The constitution arising from the London
Accord provided for a bi-communal society,
with safeguards to prevent the majority
Greek Cypriots from dominating the Turkish
Cypriots.
Greece, Turkey, and Great Britain were
assigned the guarantor powers, with
the right to intervene militarily if
the London Accord was breached. The
president was to be from the Greek,
and the vice-president from the Turkish
community, each with the power of veto.
In the government and the civil service,
the communities were represented in
the ratio of 70% to 30%, whilst in the
police and army, the ratio was 60% to
40%. Failure to agree on the structure
of the army resulted in Makarios, the
first president of Cyprus, declaring
that Cyprus would have no armed forces.
This led to the formation of private
armies, supplied clandestinely by Greece
and Turkey.
In legislative matters, separate majorities
were required from the Greek and Turkish
members of the Cyprus House of Representatives.
The major towns had separate municipalities,
and in the law courts, the accused were
tried by members of their own community.
This complicated system proved to be
unworkable in practice, owing to inherent
suspicions between the two communities.
However, a straightforward democracy,
or majority rule, was not applicable
to Cyprus as it would have resulted
in the Turkish community having no effective
say in the government, and would have
almost certainly have led to a declaration
of enosis, or union with Greece.
In November 1963, Makarios submitted
a plan to Dr. Kucuk, the vice-president,
aimed at simplifying the constitution.
The changes proposed removed most of
the checks and balances which had been
built into the constitution to protect
the minority Turkish community, and
were of course unacceptable to the Turks.
To some extent Makarios was under pressure
from EQKA, which, having achieved its
initial goal of independence for Cyprus,
was now pursuing what they regarded
as the next logical step - enosis. From
Athens, General Grivas, the terrorist
chief of BOKA, fulminated against Makarios
and incited his fanatical supporters
to seize the initiative.
Matters came to a head on Christmas
eve, when armed Greeks aflacked a suburb
of Nicosia, Kuguk Kaymakl (Omorphita),
killing or capturing those Turkish Cypriots
inhabitants who were unable to escape.
Armed conflict spread, with the Turkish
Cypriots withdrawing into enclaves to
defend themselves.
A buffer zone was set up and manned
by British troops in a largely unsuccessful
attempt to stop the fighting. These
were later replaced by United Nations
troops in March 1964.
Makarios revealed his true colours when
on January 1 st 1964 he announced the
abrogation of the treaties signed in
London, intending to establish self
determination for Cypriots, which, as
the Greeks were in the majority, would
almost certainly lead to a proclamation
ot enosis. Under pressure from Britain
and Turkey, Makarios repealed his announcement.
In August 1964, well armed Greek forces
attempted to crush the Turks at Erenkdy
(kokkina) on the north coast, in order
to interrupt the flow of munitions from
the Turkish mainland: they would undoubtedly
have succeeded had not the Turkish air
force intervened. This act added a new
dimension to the conflict. Fear of Turkish
intervention sobered the Greeks somewhat,
and they settled down to systematic
economic blockade of the Turkish enclaves.
This situation amounted to partition,
especially as the Turks were no longer
able to participate in the government
or civil service.
Further armed conflict in 1967 provoked
Turkey to threaten military intervention,
but with the takeover by the colonels
in Greece, and the economic boom in
Cyprus, the concept of enosis grew less
attractive.
In January 1974, Grivas, who had returned
to Cyprus earlier to take charge of
the armed forces and head the terrorist
group EOKA-B, died of a heart attack
near Limassol. During the presidential
elections of that year, Makarios clearly
renounced the cause of enosis, and was
re-elected with 95% of the cast votes.
He subsequently ordered the withdrawal
of mainland Greek officers, whereupon
the National Guard, which was under
the command of Greek officers, stormed
the presidential palace in Nicosia.
Makarios escaped, but this attempted
coup, sponsored by the military junta
in Greece, persuaded Turkey to intervene,
as a guarantor power. On 20th July 1974,
Turkish forces landed and occupied 40%
of the island in the north. 150,000
Greek Cypriots fled to the south, and
50,000 Turkish Cypriots escaped to the
north. Substantial Turkish forces remained
in the north, and the civilian population
increased after considerable migration
from the Turkish mainland.
Intercommunal negotiations since 1974
have been fruitless1 and in November
1983, Northern Cyprus declared itself
independent as the Turkish Republic
Of Northern Cyprus. Recognised only
by Turkey, the TRNC is hampered economically
and has not prospered as much as the
south.
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